The EU’s Democracy Challenge – and Opportunity

In December 2022, Belgian authorities arrested Eva Kaili, a vice president of the European Parliament, amidst allegations that she accepted bribes from Qatar. This corruption scandal followed similar concerns in the European Union (EU) over the influence of Russian energy lobbyists during debates regarding sanctions against Russia.

While much of the attention on threats to democracy in the EU has focused on democratic backsliding within member states Hungary and Poland, a lack of democratic accountability poses an equally grave threat to EU institutions. For decades, experts have warned of a ‘democratic deficit,’ arguing that EU institutions lack democratic legitimacy. As the EU’s continental and global influence grows, European leaders must reform the institution to bolster the EU’s democratic foundations and prepare it for challenges ahead.

The EU, a supranational political entity, has integrated 27 European countries through an internal single market, common regulatory systems, visa-free travel and work, and a monetary union. The EU dominates policymaking in Europe and is led by three key bodies. The supervisory European Council consists of the heads of government of each EU member state. The European Parliament is composed of 705 members (MEPs) directly elected via proportional representation using party lists and single national constituencies. The European Commission, led by an appointed president, is the EU’s primary executive body. It stands as the most powerful EU institution and proposes and executes laws, budgets, and regulations.

Critics have long argued that these institutions suffer from a “democratic deficit” because power resides in the unelected Commission rather than the democratically-chosen Parliament. While the 2007 Treaty of Lisbon addressed some concerns by strengthening Parliament, recent scandals show that accountability challenges persist. The Parliament still cannot initiate legislation, and can only approve, amend, or reject legislation drafted by the Commission. The EU’s de facto leader, President of the Commission, is ostensibly nominated by the Council and approved by the Parliament. In reality, however, the appointment of the current President was widely said to be the result of a backroom deal among member states.

European citizens also do not feel connected to the EU. Voter turnout in the EU’s 2019 elections was just 50.66%. In Germany, for example, turnout was 61.38% for the 2019 EU elections but 76.6% for the country’s 2022 national elections. Surveys have found that only 45% of Europeans have a positive view of the EU and that just 60% of respondents knew that they could vote for MEPs. National newspapers barely cover the activities of MEPs and voters treat Parliament elections as midterm referenda on the performance of national governments rather than as votes on Europe-wide issues.

The 2016 Brexit vote in the United Kingdom (UK) highlights this disconnect between voters and the EU. While the flashy pro-Brexit campaign captured the public’s attention, the ‘remain’ campaign failed to devise a winning pro-EU message. The leaders of both of the UK’s major political parties were muted and ambivalent in their support of ‘remain’, and EU leaders opted to stay silent rather than campaign for the EU. The UK’s vote to leave the EU suggests that EU-minded leaders failed to connect with voters and engage in a public contestation of ideas.

Despite Brexit, the EU has successfully fostered economic growth, bolstered human rights, and ensured stability for decades. All the while, the EU’s power is growing. In the last three years, the EU implemented an €800 billion pandemic recovery fund, launched a transformative climate change program, and coordinated a robust response to Russia’s war in Ukraine. Yet the EU’s incredible progress risks being undermined by its democratic deficit. Reforms are needed to bolster democratic accountability and ensure the EU has public legitimacy to match its power.

While member-state governments may initially resist reforms that diminish their influence within the Union, the EU’s historic propensity for internally-driven institutional reforms suggests that improvements are possible. First, the Parliament must be allowed to initiate legislation, thereby enhancing its power vis-à-vis the Commission. Rather than relying on a proportional system to elect MEPs, a mixed electoral system could enable voters to directly choose some MEPs via majoritarian elections. Allowing voters to directly vote for actual individuals, rather than just a party, brings MEPs closer to their constituents, improving leader accountability and performance. The EU could also create Union-wide parliamentary seats, as the Parliament has already suggested, so that all EU voters elect some MEPs transnationally rather than just MEPs from their own country. Doing so would compel parliamentary candidates to campaign on EU issues instead of national ones. Finally, the EU must formalize the selection process of the Commission President so that the winning parties of the Parliament, rather than backroom deals, select EU leaders. This ensures that the choice of the President reflects voters’ preferences and, by showing that parliamentary elections actually matter, may generate voter engagement.

For decades, the EU has successfully operated quietly and technocratically behind the scenes, but as its power expands and populism rises, democracy must take center stage. EU leaders must engage directly with the public and openly advocate for the EU as an institution. By partaking in a public contest of ideas, EU leaders can hone their messages, preempt populist challenges, and build long-term public legitimacy. The European project has been a remarkable success for the past 70 years. To succeed in the next 70, the EU must strengthen its democratic elements and truly embody its democratic principles.

 

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